Max Miller Billionaires & Big BusinessControversy Ohio

Two Ohio Senators Told Max Miller to Quit. Kroger, Walmart and Nike Are Still Paying Him.

Popular Information found dozens of corporations still funding Max Miller's campaign after his ex-wife's abuse allegations became public. We checked the FEC records ourselves. Stanley Black & Decker gave $10,000. Elevance gave $7,000. Kroger — an Ohio company — gave $3,500.

Two Ohio Senators Told Max Miller to Quit. Kroger, Walmart and Nike Are Still Paying Him.

By now, almost every Republican who has to answer to Ohio voters has said something about Max Miller.

Sen. Bernie Moreno — Miller's former father-in-law — said in August that "if there are any basic standards of character required to hold elected office, Max Miller fails them." Ohio's other senator, Jon Husted, called on Miller to step down too. Two more Republican senators joined them, and Miller answered by loaning his own campaign $1 million and staying on the ballot.

But there is one group that has not said a word: the corporations writing him checks.

On Monday, Judd Legum at Popular Information published a list of the companies still funding Miller's re-election. We went and pulled the Federal Election Commission records for his campaign committee ourselves. Here is what corporate America has put behind him this election cycle.

The list

Every one of these is a corporate PAC — money the company's own political operation chose to send:

  • Stanley Black & Decker — $10,000, in two $5,000 checks
  • Elevance Health, the health insurance giant — $7,000
  • Altria, the maker of Marlboro — $5,000
  • AT&T — $4,500
  • Kroger, the Cincinnati-based grocery chain — $3,500
  • Pfizer — $3,000
  • Citigroup — $2,000
  • DraftKings — $2,500
  • Nike — $2,000
  • Walmart — $2,000
  • John Deere — $2,000

That is what the public filings show through the most recent quarterly report. Popular Information reports that several of these companies — Elevance, Altria, Pfizer, John Deere and TD Bank among them — sent money that arrived after the allegations against Miller were published.

Legum's team contacted all of Miller's corporate donors and asked a simple question: do you still support his candidacy?

Citi declined to comment. Every other company refused to answer at all.

What the money is actually buying

It is worth being precise about who these donors are, because the list is not random.

Miller sits on the Ways and Means Committee — the committee that writes the federal tax code, sets tariff policy, and has jurisdiction over Medicare and health-plan rules.

Now look at the list again. A health insurer. A drugmaker. A tobacco company. A bank. Two of the country's biggest retailers. A farm-equipment manufacturer. These are companies with real money riding on what the Ways and Means Committee does, and their PACs sent checks to a member of that committee in the middle of the worst scandal of his career.

Kroger's presence on the list stings the most for Ohioans. It is an Ohio company, headquartered in Cincinnati, and its checks went to a congressman two Ohio senators have publicly asked to leave.

This is who Miller works for

The corporate money is not an accident or an outlier. It is the whole structure of how Miller is funded.

Only 6% of Miller's money this cycle came from small grassroots donors, and he ranks #256 out of 440 House members in grassroots funding — meaning most of the House is better funded by ordinary people than he is. Pro-Israel PACs led by AIPAC have given him $366,455, five times his next-largest source. People at KKR, the private equity firm whose tax treatment his own committee writes, have given him $35,000. (Who Bought My Rep tracks the grassroots numbers.)

Miller does not have a base of small donors who could pull their support and hurt him. He has institutions. And institutions, so far, have decided this is fine.

That is why the corporate silence matters. When a company gives to a candidate, it is a choice made by people in a room, renewed every quarter. Continuing to give after the allegations became public is also a choice — just a quieter one.

The pattern in Washington

Miller's protection has come from the top down, and it has been remarkably consistent.

President Trump, whom Miller served as an aide, called him "a very good person" and said, "I'm going to let the families figure that out." Speaker Mike Johnson said, "There's all sorts of domestic events going on with 435 members of Congress all the time, it's not my business to get engaged in it." Rep. Jim Jordan called the case a family matter — a standard he did not apply to a Democrat facing similar accusations a few weeks earlier.

Miller has denied the allegations and sued his ex-wife for defamation. In August he asked the House Ethics Committee to investigate him, saying he had "absolutely nothing to hide." The committee opened an investigation the same day — into domestic violence and illegal drug use.

Ohio's 7th District did not get a say in any of this. Miller has spent more than a year avoiding a real town hall — he scheduled one and canceled it, held a telephone town hall with pre-screened questions, and quietly announced a 60-person event in a small print newspaper with no open sign-up.

He will not take questions from the people he represents. His donors will not take questions either.

What you can do

The companies on this list sell you groceries, phone service, sneakers, insurance and prescriptions. Several of them spend heavily on advertising about their values. None of them would answer a reporter's question about why they are funding Max Miller.

They will answer their customers faster than they answer a newsletter. Ask them.

Source

Max Miller Report Card