A review of Sullivan's Senate disclosures finds four well-timed sales of RPM International — the chemical company his brother runs — including one on February 27, 2020, and two more just ahead of bad earnings reports. He is the busiest stock trader in Alaska's delegation. Murkowski, Peltola and Don Young reported no trades at all.
Applied Digital owns 1,300 acres in Brookwood and won't say whether it's building a data center there. On August 7 it wrote Tuberville's campaign a $25,000 check. The town's own mayor has signed a non-disclosure agreement, so residents can't find out either.
Financial disclosures show Husted's wife held as much as $15,000 in Intel stock while he worked to revive the company's stalled Ohio plant and learned in advance about three developments that each sent the share price up. Intel's lobbyist had given his state committee tens of thousands.
NOTUS found that Matt Arenholz chaired the government affairs committee of the insurance lobby's Iowa branch and helped set up its meeting with all four of Iowa's U.S. House members, including his wife. The group's PAC has given her campaign $45,000.
Campaign Legal Center's FEC complaint says MMR Constructors gave Hope in Action PAC $100,000 on March 31, 2026 — while holding an active NASA contract. Hope PAC has spent close to $3 million backing Letlow.
Asked in Superior about union support, Tiffany said he doesn't worry about the 'kingpins.' The roll calls show he was the sole non-voter on the PRO Act, and voted no on ending forced arbitration for sexual harassment claims.
An AI super PAC that raised $125 million exists to stop states and cities from enforcing their own AI rules. One of these Republicans wrote the bill that does the preempting, one was promised $850,000 in a race he had already won, two were buying the stock, and one was carried by $2.35 million in outside money.
Whatley's campaign committees paid $104,749.73 to fly a $1.9 million Cessna linked to a construction executive Trump pardoned for defrauding the government, plus $31,247.46 to a second jet company — while his ads showed him driving a GMC truck in a flannel shirt.
Axios reports Rogers' allies asked AIPAC not to advertise for him, and floated routing the group's donors to a friendly super PAC instead. The money would be the same. Only the label would change.
